By Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (auth.), Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (eds.)
The examine of the linguistic reflexes of element has been an energetic box of analysis in a variety of sub-disciplines of linguistics, corresponding to syntax, semantics (including discourse thought) and acquisition experiences. despite the fact that, conversation and dissemination of effects throughout those a number of subfields has frequently been oblique. the various angles introduced jointly supply us a complete photograph of the illustration of point within the mind/brain of the speaker.
The papers during this quantity signify the result of a workshop at the syntax, semantics and acquisition of point held in 2002 whose goal was once to foment lively cross-disciplinary conversation. the various papers study the syntactic illustration of lexical or scenario point, whereas others concentrate on the syntactic interplay of lexical element with grammatical point, and of grammatical point and stressful. different papers research the position of point in discourse representations, whereas a 3rd workforce of papers experiences on result of empirical reports at the acquisition of point in either first and moment language acquisition, and styles of lack of morphosyntactic reflexes of point in language attrition.
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These divisions of stuff may be of varying size, and may or may not correspond to canonical divisions, as observed in the world or as represented in our conceptual system. Indeed, they may return a null set. In turn, telicity emerges, for 'plurals', in the context of a counter, and is absent in the absence of a counter. And what of mass nouns? The very same explanation is immediately available when we consider the contrast between (3b) and (12). Note that an account which is based on the inherent vagueness of quantities associated with something like meat or sand in (12) fail directly when the equally inherent vagueness of quantities such as more than two pounds, or too much are considered.
We begin with an account of the Dyirbal facts. In this language 1" and 2nd person subjects receive nominative Case, but 3 1 person ~ subjects receive ergative Case because 1" and 2ndperson subjects, bearing person features, raise to Spec, TP where they check phi and Case features. 31dperson subjects, lacking person features, cannot raise to Spec, TP. It has been suggested by Bittner and Hale (1996) that ergative Case is assigned to the subject inherently in Spec, vP. ', (DP) T' [1"12"~] , " , NOM T VP A (DP) [3rd1 v A v ERG AspP & In Euchee the subject agreement marker appears in a different position in the morphosyntax depending upon the person features: (20) Euchee subject agreement TP A (DP) [l"12"~pers] T Tf GenP A (DP) [Ydpers] Genf A GEN VP /'-'.
2. Analysis of Person-based Subject Splits We suggest that subject splits arise as a consequence of feature checking in TP. T(ense) has a person feature among its set of agreement features, and in languages llke Dyirbal and Euchee, person is the only agreement feature that Tense has. We assume that only lS' and 2ndperson DPs are in fact specified for person; so-called 3rd person DPs lack a person feature specification, though they may be specified for number andlor gender (Ritter, 1995; Harley & Ritter, 2002).
Aspectual Inquiries by Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (auth.), Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (eds.)
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